Labour And Working-Class Portrayal in The Media

Labour And Working-Class Portrayal in The Media Research Paper

Introduction
The mainstream media is a powerful tool in the society that has employed its ability to inform in manners that people can barely understand. The huge pieces of information received by media houses are supposed to be disseminated and used in informing the world adequately. However, adequate dissemination of information is not always the case. The mainstream media has been known to set the agenda for the public. That is, the media decides what people may like and displays just what they think interests people more. Amidst doing so, they circumvent pieces of information that would otherwise revitalize how society is structured and how people view particular socio-political or economic prospects. One demographic segment that has been a victim of agenda setting is the working class. In every economy, the working class represents the dominant faction of the population. Such individuals are, however, accorded the least consideration, mostly, in media coverage. One is then let to ask just how the working class has formed the small fraction of the news that barely interests the media. Using the propaganda model and Martins five frames, this paper explores how the Canadian popular culture has depicted labor and working class in a variety of mediums in the famous 2009 Vale-Inco strike. This analysis is integral because it unearths how the media influences agenda when it comes to aspects of working class including the development of policies and the influence on public opinion.

Background
Vales Canadian mining and smelting operations in Port Colborne and Sudbury ha became famous for what the media has termed as the wrong reasons. In 1978, Inco was broiled in a strike that lasted for 261 days (Geological Survey, 2012). In that labor strike, around 11,600 employees were determined to revitalize the companys resilience towards cuts of pay and layoffs emanating from lowering nickel prices in the international market. The strike was, hence, characterized by the move by management to cut their operational costs to match the diminishing returns (Morrison, 2011). Workers who did not like the ideas resorted to strikes through their unions and rendered themselves into nine months of the strike without pay. The strike would be solved, and every individual returned to his/her work station. That did not mark the end of labor problems at Inco. 2009 marked the longest strike that the company has ever faced. The strike lasted for more than a year with more than 3,100 employees involved (Geological Survey, 2012). The duration of the strike was linked to the resolve by both warring factions not to compromise on their demands. The strike would go in history as one of Canadas longest. The case does not end at that point though. Of importance was the portrayal that the media, specifically the print media showcased concerning that strike.
The latest Vale-Inco strike was anchored on legitimate grounds if the demands of the employees were anything to believe. In 2006, Vale S.A acquired Inco, the Canadian mining giant for $19.4 billion (Morrison, 2011). At the time of the acquisition, Vale was already an international player whose presence could be felt in numerous countries including Angola, Brazil, Peru, Chile, and Indonesia among others. In other words, Vale faced competition for its mining activities throughout the globe. Conversely, Inco was a local Canadian company whose operations barely exceeded the borders. Incos domestic operations were efficient because the company faced little competition. The fact that the entity faced little competition meant that all its profits would be directed into operations and payment of wages. The acquisition by Vale came with newer strategies that would lead to the cause of the strikes. Two years after Vales takeover, Inco had made an excess of $4 billion in profits (Jones, 2016). That money would be adequate in running its operations. However, Vale, in the same duration, was making losses following the intensified competition from other global players. In a strategic move, the parent company opted to use Incos lucrative profits to position itself in the global market. That move would lead Inco with nothing to show for its efficient operations. When Inco could not match the profit demands by Vale, it resorted to a strategic move that would mean downsizing. That is, the numbers of employees would be reduced while wages are also cut to accommodate the operational costs. Such a move would have only saved the company in the short-term, and the affected employees would not appreciate any step towards the reduction of their wages. Through the Ontario Federation of Labor (OFL) and the United Steel Workers (USW), 3,300 employees would immediately be rendered into a strike following the decision by the company to pursue the ill strategy of downsizing. The striking employees wanted lasting solutions about downsizing. The demand would eventually escalate to accommodate the need for better working conditions and adequate healthcare coverage for the employees.

Media Coverage
Different media houses took the opportunity to report on matters affecting Vale-Inco differently. For purposes of specificity, this paper will focus on print media and the online blogs on their portrayal of the 2009 Vale-Inco strike. The first among the representations was depicted by Carl Bronskys article for the World Socialist Website. In that article titled Vale Inco strike: Labor bureaucrats promote nationalism, the author makes every attempt to ensure that the information portrayed efficiently contradicts the agenda set by the striking employees. Primarily, Bronsky (2009) assert that the strike was orchestrated by bureaucrats whose primary objective was to initiate and promote unhealthy nationalism within Canada. Canada is a nation that is well built in the foundations of capitalism. Canadians structurally operate to encourage upward economic mobility through individual inputs. Typically, every attempt to revitalize this structure affect the very foundations of Canadian economics and politics. In that sense, if OFL and USW leaders were only attempting to trigger the roots of socialism, then they were fast becoming the enemies of Canada. Bronsky (2009) continued to note that bureaucracy was quickly destroying the grips that initially anchored trade unions. The current structures within trade unions are focused on nothing but power struggles with the leaders attempting to showcase their power and authority to the public. If that were the case, then the strike was grounded on wrong reasons.
The article further delved into the possible political and social consequences in which the strike would indulge the nation. On the social aspect, Bronsky (2009) notes that Canadians will most likely begin to profile the striking workers are indifferent people. The author implies that the strike would create a working-class nationalist movement that would anchor all its authority into the economic structures that the nation had abolished. The article continued to praise the few clerks and company workers who were not part of the unions as the true reflections of the Canadian labor spirits. The ultimate implications of the publication were rooted in the probable political motives of the strike. Bronsky (2009) continues to point Newman, the USW chairman, as an individual who intends to capture public attention through unacceptable ways. Newman was a champion of the strike and planned to end the strike only if the union and Vale-Inco found a lasting solution to the impasse between the striking employees and the organizations top leadership. Through the lenses of the author, however, Newman intended to be a politician and used the strike as a platform to steer his agenda. The article manifested little focus on the needs of the striking employees and it barely even talked about the possible causes of the strike. The article would efficiently qualify as biased.
The Bullet is another media outlet that attempted to offer insights into the Vale-Inco strike. Petra Veltri, in an article titled Down in the Vale, explored the extent of the industrial action from different paradigms. Veltri (2009) noted that the strike would bear significant impacts on the employees. Specifically, the article highlighted the hard economic times that would make it even more difficult for the working class to keep existing. The piece however diverted the focus into more issues, some of which bore little linkages to the course of the strike. In its first paragraphs, the author notes that the striking employees were merely displeased by the fact that Brazil owners were attempting a full control of their company. Veltri (2009) then continued to justify the move by the company to downsize in a number of its operations. It noted that the world, in 2009, had just resurrected from an economic depression. Many organizations, at the time, did not have the financial power to maintain all their employees. More and bigger companies were attempting to downsize to stamp their authority in the global platform. The article then implied that the course taken by the entity was justified and anyone in their position would exploit similar strategies. Another notable aspect of the article was the analysis of the possible benefits that could arise from the strike. According to Veltri (2009), the strike offered an opportunity to the region of Sudbury to be ecologically friendly for the first time in a long time. Again, the article gave no reasons as to why working-class Canadians would organize a strike that is the longest in the history of the nation.
The Canadian Dimension and Reuters are some of the other outlets that showcased skewed portrayal of the 2009 Vale-Inco strike. While reporting the end of the strike, Scott Neigh of the Canadian Dimension noted that the strike was majorly about neo-liberalism. That is, it was an attempt by the rich to oppress the working class even more. The article then continues its analysis to note that it was primarily a political fight between the union and the company (Neigh, 2010). The companys skillful application of court injunctions is extensively employed. The outlet barely discussed the issue from the working class point of view. On his part, Reuters Cameron French focuses on the individualistic nature by which the feud was approached. French (2010) insisted that the strike would have taken a shorter period were the warring parties able to eliminate personal concerns in favor of long-term goals. In that sense, the article blames the employees for taking matters personal thereby jeopardizing every attempt made at resolving the conflict maturely. All the above papers and many more offered little to no information about the actual nature of the strike. The media portrayals of the Vale-Inco strike reflect on how the media portray more issues concerning the working class.

The Propaganda Model
The propaganda model is among the conceptual framework that has been developed to aid in showcasing how the media operates in matters concerning the dissemination of information. The propaganda model was developed by Noam Chomsky and Edward Herman (McQuail, 2010). Chomsky and Herman assert that the corporate mass media employs systematic biases in their attempt to sway the public to adopt particular sets of information. The theorist’s further state that in political systems, the mass media usually skew information to conform to specific benefits, analogy, or to sway people into unpopular policies and decisions. From this theory, political policies are manufactured, and propaganda is developed in undemocratic platforms to fuel the unpopular ideologies (Kumar, 2008). One could argue, based on the propaganda model, that the media consistently persuade people into accepting policies or issues that they do not like under the disguise of democratization.
Chomsky and Herman have employed five filters to aid in explaining how the mass media works in disfavor of the public interests. Primary among the filters is ownership. Most media outlets are currently owned by individuals whose interests do not lie in the creation of information that reflects reality (McQuail, 2010). Instead, media outlets are currently working with the primary objective of making profits. Herman and Chomsky substantiate this assertion by reflecting on the British media before the influx of wealthy business individuals into the industry. According to the theorists, the early 19th century was the best in the British press with most outlets being independent and able to deliver on the actual occurrences in the society (Deery & Press, 2018). That period featured media outlets that focused on the grievances of workers. Excessive stamp duties and poor working conditions dominated the British media at the time. The trends changed after the Second World War with numerous respectable wealthy individuals acquiring most of the media outlets. Worker-friendly outlets such as Sunday Citizen would then be submerged into bigger conglomerates thereby leading to the death of worker-friendly newscasting (Schulz, 2010). The emerging outlets such as the Daily Mirror would be friendly to the capitalists who cared little about the welfare of the workers. The earlier papers were not obliged to protect the interests of any individuals, which made their outputs highly respectable throughout the nation.
The prospect of ownership has spread throughout the world with the impacts evident in the structure of media houses. In Canada, large media houses keep acquiring smaller and independent outlets. The results of the prevailing trends of ownership are evident in how efficiently the media continues its focus on protecting the wealthy individuals at the expense of the poor ones (Deery & Press, 2018). Worthy of note is the fact that large conglomerates usually have financial interests to protect. It is impossible to believe that media outlets that intend to discriminate against particular demographic segments or those that want to pay their employees mildly would happily report violations of worker rights in some other organizations (Kendall, 2005). The media is fast growing to accommodate the interests of individuals and to make more profits at the expense of communicating the real feelings of the people or the actual desires of society.
Chomsky and Herman also exploit advertising as the second filter that has anchored the current architecture of the mass media. Like every business model, the mass media must cover their costs of production. Most newspapers or mass media outlets rely upon advertising to raise adequate funds for their operations (Fortner & Fackler, 2014). Without the money from advertising, media outlets would increase their subscription fees, or they would accommodate the costs through higher prices in every service that they offer. Currently, there is a race between media outlets to attract the highest amounts of advertisers. Media outlets, hence, are concerned much with relaying information that can draw the highest amount of people. Since advertisers want their products or services to reach the largest numbers, it can be immature to believe that outlets with the fewest readers will attract more money. Media outlets have tapped into this analogy by focusing their energy on reporting controversial pieces of information (Morrison, 2011). There could be a strike in a particular company. However, if the grievances of the employees taint the image of the owners or if praising the owners would deliver more advertisers, then one can be assured that it is what the media would exploit. It is money but not the truth that matters to the media currently.
Sourcing is another filter that the propaganda theorists believe to be playing an integral role in current information trends. It is remarkable that even large media houses cannot afford to place their reporters in every corner of the world (Fortner & Fackler, 2014). Instead, they put the reporters in strategic places where they believe they can get some adequate pieces of information on daily bases. Government institutions, ministries, or companies constitute the biggest amount of news currently. Hence, the mass media has confined its origins in specific areas. The reporters no longer research extensively. Reporters easily believe misleading information from the reputable sources emanating from the large corporations or institutions (Rondinone, 2010). Unless the subject news is significant that it cannot be avoided, the media will always source information from the usual suspects. That trend of sourcing leaves the working class isolated. The wealthy and company owners are positioned so well so that they can inform the world about everybody else with little questions embedded on their motives. Going by the inputs of the sourcing filter, more truth and credibility will be lost if the media cannot execute through research in every story that they publish or air.
Flak is another filter that is fast swaying the nature of information aired in various news outlets. Flak is the negative responses that media houses may attract after broadcasting or publishing information that does not favor particular individuals (Fortner & Fackler, 2014). Businesses and powerful individuals often form coalitions with the objectives to soil specific media houses that do not conform to some kinds of information. Flak occurs in the forms of legislative bills, punitive actions, threats, petitions, speeches, and counter-publications among others. All the attempts by flak propagandists are aimed at dis-reputing media outlets that speak the truth or merely eliminating them from operations. Those worker-friendly outlets that do not support the sponsors of flak are highly likely to become victims of this filter. Media outlets have responded to the influence of flak by conforming to the popular opinion. Amidst such moves, real victims are left unattended, the truth is skewed, and the voiceless are portrayed negatively (Geological Survey, 2012). Since the working class is not powered enough to counter flak, the media is usually obliged to root its information where it matters.
Anti-communism and fear is the last filter as noted by Chomsky and Herman in the propaganda model. The Western world, since the 19th century, has anchored its economic philosophy on capitalism. The society has been trained to accept capitalism as a superior and efficient economic model (Fortner & Fackler, 2014). The campaign has continued especially with the fall of communism in Eastern Europe. Another political trend that emerged amidst the portrayal of capitalist superiority was soiling of the communist ideas. Communism has been viewed as oppressive and results in no economic growth. More illustrations have been anchored on the abolition of communist ideals in Eastern Europe and parts of Asia during the cold war. The media joined in the fight for capitalism, and now nobody wants to go back. Unionization of workers is generally likened to communist ideas. Most corporations consider the unions as enemies of the progress that capitalist ideas have achieved through the centuries. Since the support comes from conglomerates and big companies, nobody wants to be indulged in the need to know more. Whenever there is a workers strike, big organizations take the opportunity to showcase their fear of communism. In the Vale-Inco case, for instance, unions were labeled as nationalists by the media. The moment the media takes its influence to label workers strikes negatively, it attempts to kill the genuine grievances of such workers in favor of evading their unfounded fears of communism (Rondinone, 2010). Unfortunately, since communist ideas do not sell while ideas against communism sell extensively, people will generally avoid the truth. It is, therefore, possible that the media is misleading the world and the world is incapacitated to realize the fact.

Martins Five Frames
The propaganda model has efficiently been complimented with Martins five frames. Martin has exploited five frames that depict the nature of information in the media currently (Lundy & Lundy, 2011). The consumer is king, the process of production is none of publics business, great business leaders drive the economy, the workplace is a meritocracy, and collective economic action is bad are some of the frames that define Martins model. Primarily, Martin asserts that the consumer is persuaded to believe that he/she is in control when that is not the case in a real sense (Rondinone, 2010). People rush to purchase products or services without considering much how the same products are manufactured. The media, who benefit from advertising fees, are used to fuel the ideas that the consumers are the kings, and all the inventions are aimed towards better value creation. Martin has noted that the public has been barred from questioning the process of production as that is none of their business.
The other frames as indicated by Martin are geared towards portraying the superiority of the employer. In the third frame, Martin notes that great business leaders drive the economy. In that frame, managers, executive officers, and company leaders are individuals with excellent abilities who can barely go wrong (Rosenblum & Travis, 2008). The structures and philosophies introduced by such leaders should be respected at the very least. The frame further confirms the inputs by mass media whereby decisions made by business leaders should not be questioned. Midst such accolades to the business leaders, the working class is alienated and left to fight for their rights all by themselves. Martins fourth frame asserts that the work is all about meritocracy. That is, people need to bear more skills or abilities than others to be successful in competitive workplaces. Through this frame, the capitalists and the media are merely justifying their will to lay off employees or revise their wages as they see appropriate. The fact that capitalism has created a competitive workplace makes it even difficult for people to fight for their rights for fear of eliminations (Saarinen, 2013). Ultimately, Martins frame exploits the continued campaigns to tame trade unions. Taming trade unions means that employees will never have a collective voice to communicate their grievances. Every effort by the unions to address the problems faced by the employees contradict the philosophy of the capitalists who react by triggering flak. The working environment and the media are structured to eliminate the efficiency within the working class.

Relevance
As evident in the two theories above, classism is an ill that is constantly geared towards portraying particular demographic segments as harmful. Labor and working class have been accorded different images that are supposed to befit the analogy that they are not important to society at all. One of the popular descriptions is attached to statistics (Kendall, 2011). Whenever there is workers strike, media has developed divisive strategies that primarily focus on statistics. The emphasis is put on the number of individuals who are affected as opposed to the real causes of the problems. Focusing on statistics adheres to the propaganda filter of ownership (Jones, 2016). The owners of mass media are exploring reverse tactics that portray them as saints with the striking masses delivered as evil.
The media has also perfected its portrayal of the working class as people who reap the consequences of their choices. Every time that information about needy individuals is broadcasted, they are barely accompanied by lack of institutional context (Pittenger, 2012). The media makes conclusions without really doing any research about what could have triggered particular issues. In the long-term, the agenda is set, and the society grows to believe that the hardship that the working class is facing is primarily born from their unwillingness to learn or their appetite to destroy infrastructure. When these lies are repeated, nobody enquires about the truth (Quirke, 2012). If a context is not given as to why some people live in poverty or constant struggles, the public automatically grows into believing that they chose to live that life. The same applies to workers strikes where people generally develop the belief that it is because of choices that they work in unstable workplaces.
Ultimately, the media has portrayed the working class as people whose fortunes would be revitalized by lack. Currently, there are numerous films showcased in the media showcasing the analogy of just a matter of time before people become lucky (Taylor & Harris, 2008). Films such as Extreme Couponing and Downsized continuously showcase a society where people are level grounded, and every person has the opportunity to revitalize his/her life with hard work. Rarely do the films showcase the reality about skewed resource allocation or inadequate services to some cultures or demographic factions (Weir, 2007). The theoretical frameworks above show that media is continually creating an illusion that the working class is lazy and should be accorded little motivations to exceed their expectations.
To conclude, the media is not portraying labor and the working class appropriately. Individuals who fall in the working-class category are accorded the worst possible portrayals in the media. The Vale-Inco strike of 2009 is an indication of how the media can skew information to befit specific people or agenda. Going by the current paradigms of media coverage, there are social classes that are viewed as hardworking while others are lazy, some are lucky as others are unlucky, and some people are capitalists while others are communists. The media is fast disintegrating society for their interests. Martins five frames and the propaganda model both indicate that it is not the intentions of the media to skew information to befit some people. Instead, some stakeholders are powerful enough to control information. Failures to adhere to the needs of such stakeholders translate to the collapse of a media house. Probably, the working class should find other avenues of showcasing their grievances away from the media that is inclined towards the oppressors.

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